Friday, December 7, 2007

Kartoffeln, gedämpft

Die Kartoffel schälen und in dünne Scheiben schneiden. Die Zwiebeln schäle und grob hacken.
Die Margarine in eine beschichtete Pfanne geben. Die Zwiebelwürfel darin goldgelb dünsten. Danach die Kartoffelscheiben dazugeben und mit etwas Salz und Pfeffer würzen. Mit ca. 0,5 Liter Wasser ablöschen (am Anfang lieber etwas weniger Wasser dazu geben, da die Flüssigkeit am Ende verdampft sein soll. Falls das Wasser schnell verdampft, dann vorsichtig noch etwas Wasser dazu geben). Mit geschlossenem Deckel etwa eine halbe Stunde bei mittlerer Hitze dämpfen lassen, gelegentlich dabei umrühren.

Dazu passt entweder eingelegter süß-saurer Kürbis, oder - wer es etwas herzhafter mag - ein Wurstsalat.

Zubereitungszeit: 20 Minuten
Schwierigkeitsgrad: simpel
kJ/kcal p. P.: keine Angabe /
www.chefkoch.de Zutaten für 4 Portionen:
1 kg Kartoffeln, mehlig
2 Zwiebel(n)
1 EL Margarine
Salz
Pfeffer
½ Liter Wasser

Verfasser: ch-haecker


This I made on 7 december 2007 excellent and with the big pan with glass cover worked easily. I used bio potatoes and they were properly "Weich" am Ende

Tuesday, April 10, 2007

finance spin

Andy Kessler nyt

April 9, 2007, 5:53 pm
A Fork in the Road for Google

Whenever companies sue each other, my ears perk up. Not that I really care who wins, but lawsuits often showcase hidden vulnerabilities. Inevitably, as the fight plays out, the market thinks a lot differently about the long-term prospects of both parties, and money often sloshes away to play elsewhere.

The Internet has been all cute and cuddly throughout its childhood, given a pass for youthful indiscretions like stealing music and video clips. That just ended with Viacom’s copyright infringement suit against Google. By the time this lawsuit and others are finished, Google may have to change its way of doing business. That would be a shock.

Viacom, which owns cable channels like MTV and Comedy Central, recently charged Google with blatant copyright infringement for hosting 160,000 clips of Viacom shows and then having the audacity to allow bored workers and kids at home to be view them 1.5 billion times. Viacom had to sue to protect itself because, well, beneath the surface, Viacom and Google are both in the same business, selling ads. For all Google’s claims to be a technology company, 99 percent of its business is ads — for essentials like megapixel cameras, poker sites and ambulance-chasing asbestos lawyers.

TV attracts huge audiences with Orange County teens and Dr. McDreamies and, once our eyeballs are locked in, advertisers sell us things we’re not even sure we need. Like Budweiser Select, Dove Regenerating Hand Cream Night Care With Shea Butter and ever-less-desirable GM cars. Some $70 billion in TV advertising drives a $7 trillion consumer economy.

But TV is expensive. Shows that cost millions per week to produce may not turn profitable until they are syndicated for late-night reruns or DVD sales. It’s a tired business model ripe for change.

Megabit Internet access changes the rules by making videos available away from the controlled conduits of network TV and cable. This is scary for Viacom, because why would advertisers pay to run commercials on “The Daily Show with Jon Stewart” if folks can watch the show on YouTube? Proponents of YouTube claim Viacom should be happy about getting free publicity for “The Daily Show.” YouTube has a 10-minute limit on video length and claims it’s not copyright infringement, but fair use (a fuzzy loophole in copyright law). This may sound compelling, but it is nothing more than a fig leaf on piracy. Why? Because Viacom owns its programming and should get to pick where and when the shows are shown.

To remain viable, Viacom had to have its clips taken down from YouTube. In fact, all broadcasters must limit the reuse of their expensive material or their business model will implode. They must build and control their own Internet ad networks or risk going the way of trolley cars.

And Google? Internet advertising is growing like a weed. Google makes profits large enough to make Tony Soprano blush simply by scanning all the Internet pages the rest of us put up (which costs them very little), and returning the results with ads. The ads are meant to encourage impluse shopping: see it, want it, buy it, click and ship. So we click on 25-word text ads, and Google becomes a $140 billion valued behemoth. More valuable than Viacom or CBS. Hey, no one said life was fair.

But now suddenly video is cool. Sensing opportunity, the Google geek squad tried to build its own video-delivery service. It was put to shame by an 18-month-old company, YouTube, which Google then bought for $1.65 billion in shares of Google stock. By the way, in the terms of the deal, Google also set aside several hundred million dollars for potential lawsuits. Not enough as it turns out.

The success of YouTube has been nothing short of stunning. More than 100 million videos are watched every day, and probably 100,000 new clips are uploaded. So what if many of them have been highlights of “The Colbert Report” and “The Family Guy,” copyrighted material to which YouTube has no rights.

Suing YouTube as a private company only would have ruined a few venture capitalists’ tee times. Once Google, with pockets as deep as the Mariana Trench, bought YouTube, lawyers from coast to coast started salivating. Viacom is the first of many. I hear talk of giant class-action suits, for billions and billions. Maybe Viacom is thinking too small.

But here is Google’s dilemma. The company’s huge margins are the reason why it is valued at $140 billion on the stock market. If Google suddenly finds itself in a less profitable business because it has to pay for content, instead of just sponging off of SpongeBob, it could see its stock price fall faster than Katie Couric’s ratings.

Don’t get me wrong. The Internet will soon deliver all our video clips — sitcoms, sports, the whole shebang. But whoever creates and controls this content is who will make the big returns from it. Google is tops at search. It’s not yet obvious it will be tops in video. The game of lifting video clips made by others is almost over. If Google wants to stay in the game, it will need to ramp up its spending on video big time.

As consumers, I suspect, we’ll win, because we’ll have better shows delivered in new ways. But when companies start suing each other, investors should be careful. It usually means the game has changed for both sides.

* Link
* Add a comment
*
E-mail This

April 4, 2007, 4:57 pm
Sloshing

Left to their own devices, and couches, humans instinctively resist change. Kings and C.E.O.s like it at the top. Workers don’t volunteer to give up their jobs in the name of progress. Profits and productivity may create wealth, but how it gets into the right hands is another matter. Money doesn’t flow — that sounds so planned. It sloshes. There’s a difference. As scary as it sounds, it’s the chaos of markets that keeps us well fed and out of trouble.

You work, you get money. Congratulations. After covering bare essentials like food, shelter and a high-definition plasma TV, you save the rest. You can shove it in your mattress, but central bankers like our Federal Reserve, who haven’t the foggiest clue how much money is needed to run our economy, print more money every year. They target 2 percent inflation, which is another way of saying that they overprint dollars by 2 percent, diluting your worth. How rude. A 2-percent haircut by your very own government. Annoying, but it’s been going on forever. The Roman Emperors debased their coins from 4.5 grams of pure silver to less than a 10th of a gram over a few centuries. Stored wealth is an oxymoron.

Money wants to be invested, to generate returns. It not only wants to keep up with inflation so it doesn’t lose ground, it wants to help create wealth by funding the means of creating profits and then own a piece of those profits.

Liza Minelli insisted that money makes the world go around (along with that whole “life is a cabaret” nonsense), but it’s really the opposite: money goes around the world looking for profits — peeking in skyscrapers, factories, alleys, even gutters. Money sloshes around the globe seeking its highest returns, on a risk adjusted basis.

Money’s been sloshing around since creation (what’ll you give me for a rib?) in the form of gold and paper and now the online dollars and euros and yen of today that can make it from New York to Caracas in the blink of an eye.

You may not put your money to work, but someone else certainly will. Floors the size of football fields at brokerage firms and hedge funds are filled with traders and computer monitors blinking rapidly, sending money scurrying to the four corners looking for productive wealth-creating profits.

Chemicals in Copenhagen, a refinery in Russia and shoes in Shanghai all will attract capital if they can generate returns. No borders, no politics, no personalities; the only governor on funding is risk. Something may be rotten in Denmark, Putin may nationalize all energy companies, and maybe China’s baby teeth haven’t yet fallen out. Money may still slosh to these places, but it will fund only the very, very highest-return businesses. It’s why very little investment money ends up in Africa — the risks of poor infrastructure, undereducated workforces, corruption and a history of nationalization are so high that money just sloshes somewhere else. Lowering the risks is the only solution, or else money will stay away and not bother telling you why.

So here’s the dilemma for the United States. We all want money to stay local, to hire our workers and to invest in our own ideas and great companies. The trick is to have the best-looking prospects for profits along with the lowest risks. That’s what the stock market is for.

While money is a unit of work, a stock is nothing more than the sum of all future profits of a company (discounted back to the present for you persnickety sticklers). To raise money, you sell a share of those profits. You could convince your Uncle Ira to pony up some dough to help expand your ink company in Indiana or India. That counts as sloshing, sure. But how much of the company does he get, and how will he ever get his money back out? Not so obvious. Markets do this, for big enough companies anyway.

A stock exchange is nothing more than a busy room (or servers in Prague) that swaps shares around so that they end up in the right hands at the right price. The market values companies by valuing those future profits.

Markets put banks to shame — helping raise money in exchange for a share of the profits, rather than lending against some piece of collateral. Because it’s not only a company’s prospects that drives this action — the market changes its mind by the minute, worrying about economic growth, global stability, competition, technological change, politicians and every other worry you can imagine.

The stock market is the sum of what every investor in the world thinks. It doesn’t just listen to companies, it scours around for any information it can get to predict the future of profits — who is making them, how much, how good management is, and on and on. It’s daytime soap opera writ large. That’s why when Ben S. Bernanke, the Federal Reserve chairman, belches, markets erupt. The stock market allocates capital to companies that have what it believes are great prospects and starves those it no longer believes in.

There was once a great minicomputer company with Digital in its name. It was the leader in its field and had huge profit margins, was hiring people like crazy and in 1987 even hired the QE2 for a $20 million sales event in Boston. But over time, its stock kept going down. Wall Street analysts kept pounding the table, telling their clients to buy more shares. “The stock is cheap,” they repeated, “and profits are great.” The future was so bright they had to wear shades. There was no plausible explanation on why the stock was going down even though the outlook was so good.

What happened next was a decade-long decline, a drip, drip, drip of cutbacks and layoffs and plant closings and division sales as profits eroded. The C.E.O. was rightfully sacked. Minicomputers were slowly being displaced by workstations from Sun Microsystems and personal computers like Compaq’s, powered by Intel processors. In 1998, the once-pipsqueak PC maker Compaq used its highflying stock and cash to buy this company out, putting it out of its misery.

So it turned out the future wasn’t bright: The company was wearing blinders instead of shades. The stock market not only figured this out, but stopped the company from becoming an even bigger disaster. As money sloshed away and the stock declined, the market starved it of capital for growth, because better prospects were elsewhere.

No government bureaucrat had to raid that computer company’s offices and tell it to quit hiring and throwing lavish parties. The stock market did this. In Japan, where the stock market was rigged in the 1980s by cross ownership, and brokerage firms kept stock prices artificially high, operating losses at many Japanese companies were hidden under an accountant’s rug. The party went on and on until in 1991 it collapsed under its own weight, and Japan tread water through 15 years of turmoil and little growth.

We are lucky that Enron was not located in Tokyo, where it might have been deemed too big to fail. Good money might have been pumped in after bad to help Ken Lay-san stay afloat. Chrysler’s 1980 government bailout meant the stock market couldn’t do its job of starving a company that in retrospect should have been, as my veterinarian would say, put to sleep. GM and Ford would be in better shape today. Ditto airlines. Politics get in the way. What a shame.

O.K., enough of that. Want to find stocks that go up, that money will slosh towards? Me too! Here’s what works for me: Figure out what everyone else believes and then why they are wrong. Works every time. That should keep me and you busy for the rest of the month.

* Link
* Comments (32)
*
E-mail This

April 2, 2007, 6:03 pm
It’s a Profit Deal

Needing relief from medieval churches and cutesy cafes on a trip to Prague a few years back (O.K., and a tax break), I paid a call on the Prague Stock Exchange, tucked in a blocky, Soviet-style building off the main drag. I climbed a few flights of poorly lit stairs and entered a dour, dusty-musty office. I didn’t expect John Thain clapping with happy C.E.O.s at the opening bell, but heck, this place might as well have been a D.M.V. I started pining for stained-glass windows again. Nonetheless, I learned more in the next 20 minutes about how the world works than I had in the last 20 years sweating on Wall Street as an analyst and running a hedge fund.

Back home, everything on Wall Street is beyond complex: Men in funny sports coats grunting and littering the floor of the New York Stock Exchange. Dow Jones industrial averages rising and falling in seeming random correlations to sunspots or something. Million-dollar bonuses to traders younger than that Rolling Stones T-shirt in the back of your closet. Derivatives. Rate hikes. Credit swaps. Sub-prime loans. Discounted free cash flow. Man, this stuff is harder than Chinese arithmetic. I craved for a simple explanation on what it all meant. It was right in front of me.

There in the Prague office I spoke with a nice chain-smoking gentleman in an ill-fitting suit who was no doubt a district member of the Party a decade earlier. I quickly learned that, duh, there is no Prague Stock Exchange, not physically anyway. It’s just a bunch of computer servers sitting in a backroom that match trades all day. O.K., I get that. But how is it that the Czech Republic has stocks to trade in the first place? One day the government owns every business, bloated with beer-breath bureaucrats, and bleeding money if they ever bothered to check. And then one day, boom, the Berlin Wall falls, Prague is wrapped in Velvet, and the next, you have capitalism? Tricky transition.
Read more

George Orwell Bush

April 9, 2007, 9:20 am
The Professor’s Lost Luggage

Tags: Human Rights, National Security

Can you be placed on the government’s “terrorist watch list” for delivering an anti-Bush lecture? Walter F. Murphy, emeritus professor of law at Princeton, thinks that’s what happened to him. “On 1 March 07, I was scheduled to fly on American Airlines to Newark, N.J., to attend an academic conference at Princeton University, designed to focus on my latest scholarly book, “Constitutional Democracy,” published by Johns Hopkins University Press this past Thanksgiving,” Murphy writes at the group legal blog Balkinization. “When I tried to use the curb-side check in at the Sunport, I was denied a boarding pass because I was on the Terrorist Watch list.” Murphy adds:

I presented my credentials from the Marine Corps to a very polite clerk for American Airlines. One of the two people to whom I talked asked a question and offered a frightening comment: “Have you been in any peace marches? We ban a lot of people from flying because of that.” I explained that I had not so marched but had, in September, 2006, given a lecture at Princeton, televised and put on the Web, highly critical of George Bush for his many violations of the Constitution. “That’ll do it,” the man said.

After carefully examining my credentials, the clerk asked if he could take them to TSA officials. I agreed. He returned about ten minutes later and said I could have a boarding pass, but added: “I must warn you, they=re [sic] going to ransack your luggage.” On my return flight, I had no problem with obtaining a boarding pass, but my luggage was “lost.” Airlines do lose a lot of luggage and this “loss” could have been a mere coincidence. In light of previous events, however, I’m a tad skeptical.

*
E-mail This

22 comments so far...

*
1.
April 9th,
2007
9:40 am

Welcome to the New World Order. Hail to the Chief, George Orwell Bush.

— Posted by Thomas
*
2.
April 9th,
2007
11:17 am

So we see that the Enemies List is still alive and well in Washington. Shouldn’t an investigation be made to trace who in the bureaucracy was responsible for adding Professor Murphy’s name to the No-Fly List, if not to discharge them immediately then to make them take compulsory civics courses?

— Posted by Noah from New Jersey
*
3.
April 9th,
2007
12:44 pm

Ultimately, I think you are distraught that they searched a professor who was on his way to give a lecture at Princeton.

If it had been a professor planning to give a lecture at Virginia Commonwealth University or at Howard University, … frankly, my dear, you wouldn’t have given a da*n.

— Posted by bowtie
*
4.
April 9th,
2007
12:46 pm

Be afraid, be very afraid!

— Posted by Bradley
*
5.
April 9th,
2007
12:56 pm

How ironic.

Sam Alito’s mentor at Princeton.

Well, well, well……

— Posted by Paul '52
*
6.
April 9th,
2007
1:10 pm

I agree with Noah from New Jersey that there should be an investigation to find out who else is on the No-Fly List because of peace activities and/or criticism of the current administration’s attempts to subvert the Constitution. The investigation should be open-ended, so that the investigators can look into whether other categories of non-terrorists have had problems.

— Posted by Connie
*
7.
April 9th,
2007
1:12 pm

Nothing is a surprise anymore. If it isn’t moronic policy, it’s gross incompetence - usually both. I suppose that calling for an investigation of how these no-fly lists are compiled would be stonewalled on the grounds that it would tip our hand to the terrorists.

— Posted by Bob Escutia
*
8.
April 9th,
2007
1:33 pm

I guess it’s no idea to plan a week in New York, visiting art museums/galleries and going to the MET?

— Posted by Bensimon7
*
9.
April 9th,
2007
1:36 pm

I believe it was the airline staffers words “That’ll do it” that I find the most chilling here. Noah from NJ is bang on…. find this person or persons in DC but never mind the civics course, they wouldn’t understand it anyway. Time in a federal institution might help them and if that proved to be Gitmo, might even awaken them to the horror of their actions.

— Posted by David Smith
*
10.
April 9th,
2007
1:53 pm

Are the good citizens of this great country asleep? Is anyone really paying attention? Or do just sit back and say oh well, I will continue to shop circuit City..is it not problem.
Then one day we will all be Professor Murphys.

— Posted by Janeta Brown
*
11.
April 9th,
2007
1:53 pm

Has there been any journalistic investigation or reporting into this, or has this just been passed throughout the blogosphere? I am not doubting something like this could happen, just more the fact that no legitimate group has reported on this yet. This needs to be investigated.

— Posted by Thom
*
12.
April 9th,
2007
1:58 pm

Too bad this outrageous incident is buried in Times Select - it ought to be front page news!

— Posted by Deborah
*
13.
April 9th,
2007
3:02 pm

What happened to freedom of expression and freedom of assembly? Does the Bush Administration really think that terrorists would be marching in an anti-war protest and giving college lectures? Someone, please sue Bush.

— Posted by Helen NYC
*
14.
April 9th,
2007
3:05 pm

Power takes as ingratitude the writhing of its victims.
-Rabindranath Tagore

— Posted by Alex
*
15.
April 9th,
2007
3:15 pm

Now I’m afraid my name will be added to the No-Fly List because I’m adding a comment to this subversive blog!

— Posted by anonymous
*
16.
April 9th,
2007
4:07 pm

“Those who give up their freedoms for security, deserve neither!” Benjamin Franklin When are we going to take our country back and hold these power-hungry, fear-catalyzing, war-mongering (is there anything we don’t solve by ‘declaring war - drugs, poverty, immigration, terrorism,etc.) freedom-robbing, diversity-intollerant, economy-wrecking criminals accountable for how they’ve flushed what’s precious and worth fighting for down the toilet!

— Posted by Randy-mon
*
17.
April 9th,
2007
4:41 pm

“When they came to get me, there was no one left to defend me, or hear my plea………”

— Posted by Jim
*
18.
April 9th,
2007
4:47 pm

IMPEACH BUSH!

— Posted by DIANE Reed
*
19.
April 9th,
2007
5:00 pm

There is a very serious First Amendment problem here. The chilling effect of being put on a terrorist watch list for that reason and of the consequences thereof work clearly to impede criticism of the constitutional error and breaches of this administration and other free speech as well. I suggest Mr. Murphy seek counsel.

— Posted by Kimball Corson
*
20.
April 9th,
2007
5:20 pm

For the sake of future presidents and future generations of Americans, Impeach Bush and Cheney. We’ll never be able to hold our heads up in an international meeting again if we let these two get away with all they’ve done.

— Posted by Gerald R. Slaney
*
21.
April 9th,
2007
5:31 pm

I have written G.W. Bush at least once a month since he hinted at going to war in Iraq. I told him a little of the British history in the 1920’s and called him what he is, an incipient fascist who lacksl curiosity and knowledge. However, I am not as of now on any no fly list, probably because I’m just a retired high school teacher instead of a renowned professor from Princeton.
I never thought I’d get more preferred treatment than the author.

— Posted by P.Abrams
*
22.
April 9th,
2007
5:58 pm

I am flabbergasted by Professor Murphy’s story. If true, it deserves the most widespread possible attention and a full Congressional investigation. But it first needs some backup to ensure that it is not “simply” an understandable misinterpretation.

— Posted by Barry Stein

choosing the party

Stanley Fish

April 8, 2007, 9:12 pm
Parties Matter

The political polling season is already upon us (a bit prematurely, but everything is ahead of itself these days), and polls taken in the past couple of weeks reveal a pattern that commentators are busy explaining. When the question asked is, which party do you trust to do a better job with the economy, the war, global warming, the environment, education, the deficit, immigration, reputation abroad, the administration of justice, the rebuilding of New Orleans?, the Democratic party wins — and in some categories by impressive margins. The same polls show that 60 to 70 percent of the American people believe that the country is heading in the wrong direction, and there is no doubt that President Bush’s rating numbers are also headed in the wrong direction. Why then do Hillary Clinton, John Edwards and Barack Obama consistently lose to Rudy Giuliani and John McCain in head-to-head matchups? (The three Democrats do outpoll Mitt Romney, but who wouldn’t?)

The answer usually given is that it’s early. Two years out voters are reacting to personalities, or rather, to their perception of personalities. When things get more serious, and the candidates are put under the lens of relentless scrutiny and have to answer hard questions about hard issues, the ratings, we are told, will turn less on personality and more on policy, and the numbers will change.

Maybe so, but I suspect that in 18 months the personality profiles now given to us by the media will still be in place and remain the focus of political commentary. We’ll still have Giuliani, the stalwart 9/11 hero and crime-fighting mayor (a little tainted by Bernard Kerik and the messiest personal life this side of Britney Spears); John McCain, the stalwart Vietnam War hero and straight shooter (a little tainted by claims that Baghdad is a nice town for an afternoon stroll); Hillary Clinton, the smart, well-organized, effective senator (a little burdened by baggage she is unlikely ever to shed); Barack Obama, the charismatic, eloquent harbinger of a new day (a little suspect because the glittering facade seems unaccompanied by even one substantive idea); and John Edwards, the up-from-poverty trial lawyer and former senator with an inspiring wife (a little defensive when he is asked why a self-advertised candidate of the people has recently built himself a mansion.) When September 2008 rolls around, two of these characters – or perhaps a dark horse drawn from the current list of Bill Richardson, Christopher Dodd, Joe Biden, Al Gore, Fred Thompson, Sam Brownback, Tommy Thompson and Newt Gingrich – will be paraded before the citizenry, which will be asked (endlessly), “Whom would you rather have running the country, protecting our troops, educating our children, and throwing out the first ball on opening day?

It is the wrong question. The right question is “Whom would you rather have exercising the power of appointment?” That’s not a sexy question, but it gets to the heart of what electing a president means. It means that within a few weeks of his or her inauguration, different people will be administering and guiding the nation’s key institutions. In the past several elections there has been some attention paid to Supreme Court appointments and the difference that would supposedly be made by the elevation to the court of a liberal or conservative jurist. But Supreme Court vacancies are like papal elections – they don’t come around very often, and you can’t sit around waiting for them to occur. Meanwhile the day-to-day business of governing has to be done, and the people who will do it will be the people the president appoints.

From that fact follows a strategy I would recommend to the Democrats, who seem to believe that they will win in ’08 simply because the Bush presidency has imploded: Run against the other party – not against its candidate or the sitting president (although you should do a little bit of that too), but against what the other party usually does when it gets into office. What it does (based on the record of the past six years) is appoint cabinet members and ambassadors who are either jokes, incompetent cronies or malign subverters of the Constitution.

President Bush has had two attorn

Thursday, March 1, 2007

Dick Cavett What My Uncle Knew About War

What My Uncle Knew About War

Tell me, are you too getting just a little bit fed up with our leader’s war? Isn’t everybody? Do you actually know anyone who thinks it’s all going to turn out fine? Except that chubby optimist Dick Cheney, of course, who thinks the Titanic is still afloat.

And am I alone in finding our leader’s behavior at press conferences irritating? I mean that smirky, frat-boy joking manner he goes into while, far away, people he dispatched to the desert are having their buttocks shot away. It’s worst when he does that thing of his that the French call making a “moue”; when he pooches his lips out and thrusts his face forward in a way that seems to say, “Aren’t I right? And don’t you adore me?”

As in his case, I was never a soldier, but God knows I wanted to be. Not in later years when my draft number came up for real, but back in my Nebraska grade-school days when Jimmy McConnell and Dickie Cavett watched John Wayne in “Sands of Iwo Jima” at least five times, one of us sneaking the other in free through the alley exit. Then we went home, got our weapons (high-caliber cap pistols) and took turns being John Wayne. The alley was Iwo Jima.

Years later I met Big John. It couldn’t have been better. He was in full cowboy drag on an old Western (studio) street and mounted on his great horse Dollar. He looked exactly as he did in “She Wore a Yellow Ribbon,” and it took my breath away. I didn’t just like him, I loved him. I sorta wished I hadn’t liked him quite as much, so I could have asked him, “Duke, how come not you nor any of your four strapping sons ever spent one day in the armed services?” (“I’m merely asking,” I might have added to lighten the tone. Or delay the concussion.)

I didn’t dodge the draft, and unlike our V.P. I didn’t have “a different agenda.” I didn’t have to. I had mononucleosis (imagine how the “nuke-you-lur” president would injure that word in pronunciation) and, my draft board said, they had way too many guys and nothing was happening, war-wise. Sound preposterous? And yet there was such a time.

**********

I have a statement: Anybody who gives his life in war is an idiot.

I guess I left off the quotation marks to let the words have their full effect. They aren’t mine, but I’m related to them. They’re my Uncle Bill’s words, and his credentials for uttering the remark are a shade better than mine.

He may well have been the sole Marine to have survived driving landing barges on three bloody invasions in the South Pacific. I asked an old Marine vet once how rare Bill’s survival was. He was gifted of speech: “I’d say survivors of what your uncle did could probably hold their reunion in a phone booth and still have room for most of Kate Smith.” (We’ll pause while youngsters Google.) “My guess is that your uncle is unique.”

Bill said that aside from knowing that any minute was likely to be your last, the worst part of the job was having to drop the landing barge’s front door so the guys could swarm out onto the beach. Despite the hail of bullets against that door, he had to drop it, knowing that the front five or six guys would be killed instantly.

The phrase Bill hated most was “gave his life.” That phrase is a favorite of our windbag politicians; especially, it seems, the dimmer ones who say “Eye-rack.”

“Your life isn’t given,” I remember him saying, “it’s brutally ripped away from you. You’re no good to your buddies dead, and when the bullets start pouring in you don’t give a goddamn about God, country, Yale, your loved ones, the last full measure of devotion or any other of that Legionnaire patriotic crapola. You just want you and your buddies to see at least one more sunrise.”

Bill also served on land and experienced something so god-awful that he thought he would go mad: “Tom [his best friend] and I were trotting along, firing our rifles, and I turned to say something to Tom and his head was gone.” (Bill had great difficulty telling this. I guess I felt honored that he had not been able to speak of it for years.) He said the worst part was that while still holding the rifle, the body, now a fountain, continued for four or five steps before falling. He hated to close his eyes at night because that ghastly horror was his dependable nightly visitor for years — like Macbeth, murdering sleep.

By sheer chance I was out on the sidewalk in front of Bill’s house (we lived next door) when he arrived home from the war. I wasn’t even sure it was Bill at first, he looked so much older.

I blurted, “Hey, Bill, welcome home.” He was two feet from me but neither saw nor heard me. I knew the phrase current then. Bill was “shellshocked.” Not the current “post-traumatic stress disorder” or whatever the P.C.-sounding phrase is today. For the first six months he was home, he slept in the yard.

You will think less of me for this, but my friend Jim and I, noticing how poor Bill jumped at sudden sounds, thought a firecracker might be in order. Bill’s training kicked in by reflex. He hit the ground so fast it looked like film with frames removed. And, lacking the standard-issue shovel, he started digging with his hands. He never knew who did it. As for Jim and me, I trust that this will be deducted from our shares in paradise.

Isn’t it the excellent combat chronicler Paul Fussell who gets credit for the phrase “the thousand-mile stare”? It described the look of the haggard soldiers coming back from their first battle as the eager, fresh-faced kids — which they had been a few days earlier — filed past them on their way “in.” By definition, both groups were the same age, but there were no young faces in the returning group. They looked more like fathers than sons.

It amazes me that this bungled war can still be considered controversial. Who are the 28 percent anyway, who think that George W., the author of this mess, has “done a heckuva job”?

The other word Bill hated was “sacrifice.” Sacrifice is something you give up in order to get something in return. What good are we getting from this monstrous error? Cooked up as it was by that infamous group of neocons (accent on last syllable) who, draft-averse themselves, were willing to inflict on the (largely unprivileged) youth of this country their crack-brained scheme for causing democracy to take root and spread like kudzu throughout that bizarre and ill-understood part of the world, the Middle East.

What service is this great country getting out of all this tragedy, other than the certainty that historians will ask in disbelief, “Was there no one to stand up to this overweening president?”

I cringe at the icky, sentimental way the president talks about what we owe to the people of plucky little Iraq. You’d think we all grew up ending our “Now I lay me down to sleep…” with “… and please, Lord, be good to Iraq.” They detest us now, along with just about everybody else. Personally, I don’t give a damn what happens to Iraq, and don’t think it’s worth a single American life. Or any other kind. Haven’t philosophers taught us the immorality of destroying something of infinite value — like a human life — in order to achieve a possible good? I guess not.

For weeks the word “cause” has rolled around in my head, attached to an elusive quote. I found it. It’s from Shakespeare’s “Henry V” (as distinct, I suppose, from Paris Hilton’s “Henry V”) and it’s the part where the king, in disguise and unrecognized, sits at a fire listening to some of his men discuss the next day’s battle and what it means to be fighting in a good cause. One says, “But if the cause be not good, the king himself hath a heavy reckoning to make, when all those legs and arms and heads, chopped off in a battle, shall join together at the latter day and cry all, ‘We died at such a place,’ … their wives left poor behind … their children rawly left. I am afeard there are few die well that die in a battle. … Now, if these men do not die well, it will be a black matter for the king that led them to it.”

Saturday, February 17, 2007

A Giant Doom Magnet

February 17, 2007
Op-Ed Columnist
A Giant Doom Magnet
By MAUREEN DOWD

So I was sitting around watching “Oprah” yesterday afternoon when I realized how I could stop W. and Crazy Dick from blowing up any more stuff.

All I needed to do was Unleash my Unfathomable Magnetic Power into the Universe!

Energy flows where intention goes. Or maybe it’s the other way around.

Anyhow, Oprah taught me how to stop abusing myself and learn The Secret. I finally get it: because the Law of Attraction dictates that like attracts like, my negativity toward the president and vice president is attracting their negativity and multiplying the negative vibrations in the cosmos, creating some sort of giant doom magnet.

I need to examine my unforgiving stance toward them and use my power of visualization to let them know that in my consciousness and awareness, they cannot determine my destiny. I am severing those emotional and vibratory tonalities that keep me tied to their toxic energy, causing me to repeat the same old pattern of bemoaning in the newspaper their same old pattern of blundering in the Middle East.

Oprah did her second show in eight days on “The Secret,” the self-help book (and DVD) by Rhonda Byrne, an Australian reality-TV producer. The book hit No. 1 on the USA Today best-seller list this week.

At first glance, “The Secret” might seem like inane piffle, a psychobabble cross between Dr. Phil and “The Da Vinci Code,” a new-age spin on Norman Vincent Peale’s 1952 classic, “The Power of Positive Thinking” and the Beach Boys’ “Good Vibrations.” But that’s a negative way of thinking.

James Arthur Ray, a teacher of The Secret method, who talked to Oprah, says it’s “very, very scientific.”

“If you think you’re this meat suit running around, you know, you have to think again,” he said. “You’re a field of energy in a larger field of energy.”

Oprah enthused that The Secret “really is touching a nerve around the world” because “so many people are hungry for guidance and meaning.” Ms. Byrne claims it improved her eyesight; others say it works on everything from weight loss to panic attacks to getting rich to snagging the mate of your dreams or a good parking space.

“We create our own circumstances by the choices that we make, and the choices that we make are fueled by our thoughts,” Oprah explained in her first show. “So our thoughts are the most powerful thing that we have here on earth. And based upon what we think — and [what] we think determines who we are — we attract who we are into our lives.”

Or as the book so eloquently puts it, “You must feel good about You.”

If it works on eyesight, can’t it work on foresight? Can’t we use The Secret on the secretive Bush White House to prevent a calamity in Iran?

According to the Sacred Principles set out by the Law of Attraction Specialists, the universe responds to your thoughts. So if I want certified chuckleheads to stop mucking up American foreign policy, all I have to do is let the universe know. I forgive the president for being a goose and the vice president for being a snake, and I start thinking about the sort of amazing, or even mildly competent, leaders I deserve to have in my life.

Maybe W. should read the book. He likes things biblical, and “The Secret” says it takes its Creative Process from the New Testament.

He would learn, as Mr. Ray said, that “trying is failing with honor,” adding: “Take the word ‘try’ out of your vocabulary. You either do it or you don’t.”

W. could have applied that to Iraq, where he has always done only enough to fail, including with the Surge.

A main tenet of The Secret is learning to avoid the chain reaction of churlishness, which begins with a single thought: “The one bad thought attracted more bad thoughts, the frequency locked in, and eventually something went wrong. Then as you reacted to that one thing going wrong, you attracted more things going wrong.”

It’s an apt description of Iraq policy. A bad thought that led to more bad thoughts, and the negative frequency is now locked in on Iran, which is responding with its own negative frequency.

With The Secret, W. will realize that all he needs to do to change his current reality is admit that it’s fake. (Similar to the wisdom of Dorothy clicking her shoes three times.)

Once he stops his chain reaction of negative thought, I can stop my chain reaction of negative thought. And then there will be peace on earth and parking spaces for everyone.

H

Sunday, February 4, 2007

Dick Cheney as Lord Voldemort

February 4, 2007
Op-Ed Columnist
Under Bush’s Pillow
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF

Dick Cheney as Lord Voldemort?

A reader named Melissa S. e-mailed to say that she explains Iraq policy to her 8-year-old son in terms of Harry Potter characters: “Dick Cheney is Lord Voldemort. George W. Bush is Peter Pettigrew.” Don Rumsfeld is Lucius Malfoy, while Cornelius Fudge represents administration supporters who deny that anything is wrong. And, she concludes, “Daily Prophet reporter Rita Skeeter is Fox News.”

That was one of the 400 comments from readers offering literary or historical parallels to the Bush administration and Iraq. One of the most commonly cited was Xenophon’s ancient warning, in “Anabasis,” of how much easier it is to get into a Middle Eastern war than out.

As a reader named John H. summarized “Anabasis”: “Ten thousand Greek mercenaries march from Greece to Iran to effect regime change (unseat one emperor and establish his younger brother). They win the first few battles (cakewalk, mission accomplished) but then the younger brother is killed.”

So the invaders found themselves without an effective prime minister to hand power to, yet they were stuck deep inside enemy territory. Xenophon’s subtext is how the slog of war corrodes soldiers and allows them to do terrible things. Xenophon is particularly pained when recounting a massacre that was the Haditha of its day.

The readers who sent in comments were responding to a column I wrote last month arguing that President Bush is inadvertently a fine education president, because he breathes new life into the classics. Thucydides’ account of the failed “surge” in the Sicilian expedition 2,400 years ago is newly relevant, and “Moby Dick” is interesting reading today as a bracing warning of the dangers of an obsessive adventure that casts aside all rules. (You can submit your own favorite literary or historical parallel at nytimes.com/ontheground.)

Perhaps I’m cherry-picking from the classics to support my own opposition to a “surge” in Iraq. In writing this column, I wondered what classics Mr. Bush’s supporters would cite to argue for his strategy. Shakespeare’s “Henry V”? “Hamlet”?

Yet frankly, it’s difficult to find great literature that encourages rulers to invade foreign lands, to escalate when battles go badly, to scorn critics, to be cocksure of themselves in the face of adversity. The themes of the classics tend to be the opposite.

Literature and history invariably counsel doubt and skepticism — even when you think you see Desdemona’s infidelity with your own eyes, you don’t; even when your advisers are telling you “it’s a slam-dunk,” it’s not. The classics have an overwhelmingly cautionary bias, operating as a check on any impulsive rush to war.

Perhaps that is because, as Foreign Policy argues in its most recent issue, humans have an ingrained psychological tilt to hawkishness. In many ways, the authors note, human decision-making tends to err in ways that magnify conflict and make it difficult to climb down from confrontation.

My hunch is that the classics resonate in part because they are an antidote to that human frailty; literature has generated so many warnings about hubris in part to save us from ourselves.

Eastern classics have that same purpose of trying to tame and restrain us. The central theme of Chinese philosophy is the need for moderation, and Sun Tzu’s famous “Art of War” advises generals on how to win without fighting. (Sun Tzu and Julius Caesar alike also appreciated the diplomatic benefits of treating enemy prisoners well; they would be appalled by Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo.)

So Mr. Bush should resolve that for every hour he spends with Mr. Cheney, he will spend another curled up with classical authors like Sophocles. “Antigone,” for example, tells of King Creon, a good man who wants the best for his people — and yet ignores public opinion, refuses to admit error, goes double or nothing with his bets, and is slow to adapt to changing circumstance.

Creon’s son pleads with his father to be less rigid. The trees that bend survive the seasons, he notes, while those that are inflexible are blown over and destroyed.

Americans today yearn for the same kind of wise leadership that the ancient Greeks did: someone with the wisdom to adjust course, to acknowledge error, to listen to critics, to show compassion as well as strength, to discern moral nuance as well as moral clarity. Alexander the Great used to sleep with the “Iliad” under his pillow; maybe Mr. Bush should try “Antigone.”

Oh, and for Mrs. Bush? How about Aristophanes’ “Lysistrata”?